How Does D. Wrights Mother Influence His Life
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By the winter of , it was apparent that Pinckney, along with other members, began to realize the inherent weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation and recognized the need for a strong central government. Pinckney began to concentrate his efforts towards resolving these problems. The first need was for an official forum for discussion. On February 21, , after a prolonged debate on the subject the Congress voted approval for a general convention to be held in Philadelphia in May to address the problems facing the new nation.
In Philadelphia, Pinckney became a familiar leader speaking more than one hundred times on various issues facing the body. Of note were his strong beliefs in protecting property interests and establishing a strong federal government with a clear separation of powers. Pinckney was concerned with forming a government that would represent the rights of the people. Pinckney believed in the separation of church and state and in religious freedoms.
At the time, nine of the thirteen colonies maintained an established church which was either Anglican, Dutch Reformed or Congregationalist. The proposal passed easily and found itself in Clause 3 of Article 6 of the Constitution. When the issue of slavery arose, Delegate Pinckney stood among his fellow southerners in defense of the institution. He openly questioned the assertion that slavery was wrong, stating: "if slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of all the world. In all ages, one half of mankind have been slaves.
On May 29, , Pinckney presented his own draft of the Constitution. Unfortunately, this document was lost. A draft of the Pinckney Plan was found among the papers of James Wilson [Pennsylvania] which permitted constitutional scholars, J. Franklin Jameson and Andrew C. McLaughlin to reconstruct Pinckney's Plan. Nevertheless, scholars today attribute approximately 28 clauses to Pinckney. His major contributions were:. The elimination of religious testing as a qualification to office.
The division of the Legislature into House and Senate. The power of impeachment being granted only to the House. The establishment of a single chief executive, who will be called President. The power of raising an army and navy being granted to Congress. The prohibition of states to. The regulation of interstate and foreign commerce being controlled by the national government. Further contributions Pinckney made to the Convention and the Constitution may never be known, but it is obvious he contributed significantly to the proceedings, earning the nickname "Constitution Charlie".
After the signing of the Constitution in September , Pinckney returned home, once again to become active in state politics. In , he represented Christ Church Parish as a member of the state's convention to ratify the Constitution. Henry Laurens, who had served as president of the Second Continental Congress, was a wealthy Charleston merchant and one of South Carolina's leading citizens. Like his older cousins, General C. Pinckney and Thomas Pinckney, Charles had married into a family of wealth, position, and influence.
Mary's wealth, combined with his own fortune, aided Pinckney's public service career and lifestyle. Landholdings of Pinckney included property inherited from his father and that which his wife owned. A plantation in Georgetown included acres of tidal swamp and acres of high land. Pinckney also owned a acre tract of land at Lynches Creek, acre Snee Farm, a house and 4-acre lot at Haddrell's Point called Shell Hall given to him by his mother, Francis Brewton , and a house and lot in Charleston on 16 Meeting Street. From his wife, Mary Eleanor Laurens, Pinckney acquired a plantation called Wrights Savannah on the Carolina side of the Savannah River and a tract of land, including a rice mill and ferry, called Mount Tacitus. Pinckney's townhouse on Meeting Street was the former Fenwick home, a three-storied Palladian mansion which housed his , volume library.
So posh was the home that in a letter dated 28 March to James Madison he bragged, "I think the house I have lately bought is not only a handsomer and better house than any in New York which it might very easily be but that the situation is as airy and the prospect as fine as any they have. The following year, in , Pinckney served as president of the South Carolina State Constitutional Convention and while serving in the legislature was elected governor. Charles Pinckney would serve a total of four terms as South Carolina's governor, the only person to do so in state history. After completing his first term ; he was immediately reelected and served from At the end of his second term, the people of Christ Church Parish once again returned Pinckney to the General Assembly as their representative.
During these formative years of the new nation, Charles and C. Pinckney, were leaders of the Federalist Party. However with time, Pinckney's views began to change. By he had cast his lot with the Democratic-Republican philosophies of Thomas Jefferson and the rapidly-growing Carolina back-country. With the rise of a new political party, Pinckney recognized the opportunity for advancement in a new power base. The rest of his family remained loyal to the Federalist Party of the eastern aristocracy.
In , Pinckney supported the Virginian for president, and did not support his Federalist cousin, Thomas Pinckney, who sought the vice-presidency. John Adams won the presidency with Jefferson as vice-president. Pinckney solidified his support of Thomas Jefferson during the Fifth Congress , became the founding father of the Democratic-Republican Party in South Carolina, and helped establish it firmly on the national scene. These actions widened the gap between Pinckney, his Federalist family, and other established lowcountry families that had always controlled the state, politically and economically.
In , after rejecting an offer to run for the US Senate, Charles Pinckney ran for his third term as governor, beating his Federalist brother-in-law, Henry Laurens, Jr. Upon completion of the two year term he was returned to the General Assembly, representing Christ Church Parish. However, he could not accept the post as he had been appointed to fill an unexpired term in the United States Senate on December 6, In the Presidential election of , General C.
Pinckney was on the Federalist's ticket for the office of vice-president. However, Charles Pinckney remained loyal to presidential candidate Thomas Jefferson, serving as his campaign manager in South Carolina and helping to carry the state for Jefferson. He accepted and subsequently resigned from his seat in the Senate. Minister Pinckney served abroad from He attempted to smooth relations between Spain and the United States, particularly with regard to problems which arose from the seizure and plundering committed by Spanish and French vessels on American shipping. In addition, he made an unsuccessful, but valiant attempt to win cession of the Floridas to the United States. He also worked toward the transfer of Louisiana from France to the United States in Charles Pinckney returned to Charleston in January , and again took up the mantle of public service in the South Carolina General Assembly.
In December of that year he was elected to his fourth and final term as governor. After completing his term as governor, Pinckney was returned to the General Assembly and served until Charles Pinckney worked tirelessly for South Carolina. He was the first governor to advocate free schools. When the story begins, Silas has left his wife at home for almost a week while he has gone to sell their cotton and to buy a few necessities and luxuries for the two of them and their child.
Sarah is beginning to feel quite lonely and this makes her think of her first love, Tom, and of how life with him could have turned out. Leaving the child free to indicate what it wanted, Sarah finds that the child was crying for a broken-down clock. When the clock is given to her Ruth beats it so hard that her mother fears she would hurt her hands.
She gives the child a stick and Ruth amuses herself banging the clock with the stick. It is almost as if the child is berating the time it finds itself in. Anyway, the banging is violent enough to remind Sarah of war and fighting and the circumstances in which Tom was pulled away from her life. She tries her best to keep him at bay although her blood too was apparently on fire, missing her husband and thinking of her first love as she so painfully did. Silas arrives after the boy has left—a little too soon perhaps, for Sarah would have liked some more time to collect her feelings.
Silas is triumphant—he has sold his cotton for a good price, he has both some gifts for Sarah, and he is full of hope for the future. In fact, he believes that he would be able to hire help on the farm like white men—for he believes that the way to get on in life is to do what the white man does. She flees with the child and falls asleep a safe distance from the house. The next morning, when she wakes she is frantic because she knows the white boy would be back to try to sell Silas the clock, and Silas was mad enough to kill.
Sarah forgets the danger to herself and wants to avert a bloody scene of violence, but her noble resolve is too weak. The boy returns with a friend and Silas kills him. The friend manages to escape and Sarah rushes back to try to persuade Silas to flee. Silas refuses and sends Sarah and the child away. His sorrow at the turn of events is powerful enough but his hatred of the white man is much stronger—strong enough for him to kill as many of them as he could and to silently stand his ground even as the white men set him and his house on fire.
Wright, Richard. Henry Louis Gates Jr.